Hold up election: an alternative reading of the Guinean crisis

The Coup of April12 was an eminently political act, premeditated, whose aim was solely to prevent the holding of the second round of presidential elections, proving once again a complex but underhanded political complicity between the Armed Forces and some national political forces.

The Angolan issue of secret agreements was merely a fallacious pretext used in a vain attempt to exploit nationalist sentiments and divert the attention of the people, something that did not happen, since they continue to speak out against the coup, calling for the return to constitutional normality and by the resumption of the electoral process that was interrupted.

The military is the most important political problem of Guinea-Bissau.

The military insubordination is a childhood disease of the national liberation struggle, whose early and dramatic manifestations consubstantiate (d) in brawls, indiscipline and crimes committed in the Southern part of the country, particularly in Quinara, Unal, Balana, Cates and Catchamba, just in the early sixties, when the first liberated areas came into existence. The guerrillas were not sufficiently prepared for the challenge of liberation, intoxicated by the possession of firearms and dominated by obscurantist beliefs, acted in the villages as authentic "Kmeres Rouge", terrorizing people, expropriating their goods, inflicting tortures worse than those known from the colonial rule, killing innocent people, accusing them of witchcraft and treason.

The Congress of Cassacá served to put an end to abuses and avenge the non-military character of the national liberation struggle, by submitting to the size of armed political focus. This balance and submission would last only until the national liberation, when the disobedience and resurfaces transformed in essence.

Indeed, after independence, the military intervention in the political arena has a new nature, status and also new outlines new, since gaining winning independence from the political will and initiative:

1. It forms, and manifests itself is triggered by impulse and auto determination, judging the political game and originator of governments and heads of states. It really began with the November 14 coup and it became possible thanks to the rise for the first time in the history of Guinea-Bissau, the military leadership structures and places summit of some parties and the state. Since then, the phenomenon was repeated, including also the coup attempt on 17 October.

2. Our political history is full of resources to violence to resolve political conflicts, consolidating summary trials and mass murders of competitors, rivals or "enemies" with the involvement of security forces. But fromNovember 14 to the present day, in all known cases, military intervention is aimed at changing power relations, both between the different currents in the struggle within the PAIGC, and between the PAIGC and the other political movements, with particular emphasis on the PRS is to consolidate the hegemony of one faction, the process always culminating with the removal or elimination of rivals.

3. But, beyond its extremely violent character, disrespectful of the dignity of people, worrying is the emergence of a new philosophy of the power behind the military interventions:

a. For some time now, it is remarkable the constancy of both the substrate identity in the legitimizing discourses of the claims that follow and it is generally perceived and experienced as an act that fits in its historic mission. For example, the November 14, exalt the true "fidjus di tchom" (native) taking the Cape Verdeans as scapegoats.

b. More recently, believers in a miserable doctrine, under which the more "coitadis" “poor fellows” are the best "sons and daughters of Guinea-Bissau", coups have consisted of a systematic attempt to impose the political leadership of an ethnic group, elevating it to “rang " or of the Government, or the head of the Armed Forces. Unfortunately, if the FARP translate national diversity in its composition and its performance in national unity and mission, owing to the political and military purges raging from the country's recent history, the Guinean barracks today resemble a quasi-homogeneous floor in ethnic perspective. Because of this phenomenon, the Armed Forces have acted as a catalyst and on behalf of the political demands of groups or associations of persons with a specific cultural identity, based on either demographic, sometimes on the historic mission.

The military coup expresses total disregard to the popular will.

Unfortunately, with the coup in Guinea-Bissau flourish signs that denounce a democratic setback in Africa. However, if the coup of Mali was condemned for various reasons this is the same with Guinea-Bissau:

1. It is a clear interference in the political process and elections judged by both clear and transparent legal proceedings as well as by national judicial instances as well as by international organizations;

2. It is an affront to ECOWAS and the international community, a few days after the events in Mali;

3. Expresses a clear desire to stop reforms to modernize the Armed Forces, actually making them Republican, or less conducive to echoes of political will and social groups, an end to the squandering of public money that is happening through a system of obscure expenditures that grow unsustainably for the general budget of the government. Finally, eliminate the involvement in drugtrafficking.

The recent events show how much this move is anti-democratic and has the sole intent to defraud the popular vote.

Ask yourself: why is the junta military afraid of people, young people and women whose manifestations are systematically repressed these days? Why did they close the radio, which has never happened in these years of democracy in Guinea-Bissau? The answer is clear: neither the Junta nor its policy set in the National Transition Committee is carriers of a democratic project.

Becoming clear that the sole purpose of this scam is to remove from power those who won through electoral suffrage free, fair and transparent, the international community can condone this attitude? Africa and the world have their eyes on Guinea-Bissau, waiting for a clear signal to eliminate the Coups as a means of access to power.

The junta is not part of the solution.

With what legitimacy the junta assumes the right to choose who should exercise political power? Why, after it committed a serious act against democracy and the rule of law still has the right to decide who governs the country, without any respect for the popular vote? The solution to the Bissau-Guinean crisis cannot depart from the strict observance of internationally accepted standards in terms of democratic life and access to and exercise of political power:

The creation of a National Transition Committee (NTC) is a mask through which scammers materialize the objective of bringing the power to remove whoever won the elections in favor of a minority unable to cope with the democratic game and accept the verdict of the polls. Who are the members of the NTC? What is its political representation? How many members are in parliament? What was the result they achieved in the recent presidential elections? The transfer of power to any NTC constitutes the grossest "hold up" of electoral and political power ever seen in our countries. As emphasized today by Manam in his chronicle in RFI, handing power to the NTC is to "deliver the gold to the villain."

The solution is therefore a strong condemnation of the military coup, the abandonment of adventurism, a return to legality, respect for election results and the institutions legally established, the release of political prisoners, the return to normal functioning of legitimate institutions, the restoration of freedom of the press, of opinion, assembly and demonstration, and respect for human rights.

The military have no solution to the crisis that they themselves triggered. They are the real and the most acute political problem of Guinea, for consecrating themselves to "affairism" by erecting contempt as how to be a soldier of the Republic, using murder as a filter for choosing political leaders, always aiming at the squandering of public money, crime and drug trafficking.

Review of Governance Carlos Gomes

We agree with analysts who accuse Carlos Gomes of mismanagement of political relations and the practice of patronage or nepotism in the conduct of public policies. But then to accept and legitimize a coup, you need not have democracy and conviction to accomplish this step. In addition to the unacceptable alteration of constitutional order, the choice of new leaders denounced the intentions of true and deep military coup: to promote a policy of social repair in favor of a political elite who felt excluded, but that actually socially auto-marginalized to refuse any another job other than a government job (give a governmental position those who never had previous professional experience).

Can we accept that the balance of Carlos Gomes presents deficits in "politics" and inclusion? However, faced with liabilities left by those who preceded him, contrary to what many say he is the only one who worried himself with the creation of wealth, economic growth, the consolidation of public accounts and the general welfare of the people, through visible achievements in infrastructures, greater connectivity of the country, promoting business, timely payment of wages, salary increases, the supply of basic means for the proper functioning of public administration. While others, under the guise of egalitarianism, but also by blunder of incompetence and patronage arrangements, plunder the public purse and owed in a suffocating manner the country, perhaps in "politics", but without tangible achievements in terms of "policy ".

Not being perfect, however we had a government with whom one could talk of development, contrary to lunatic and harmless speeches of his predecessors, according to our development partners. He went on clear objectives and complied with commitments, when in the past the word was concealed on the first corner and opportunity.

In conclusion, I would say the following: First, I note with sadness that the coup has been justified and excused through speeches or repair of social compensation. Whatever assessment we make of the governance of Carlos Gomes, nothing justifies a coup, "a fortiori" (even more certain) on the eve of the second round of elections. Unfortunately, the scams that garner our history have only brought complex and difficult political, economic and social situation for everyone. Secondly, I believe that what matters now is respect for the ballot and return to normality. This should be followed by a comprehensive pact regime and the bearer of hope to the different components of the Bissau-Guinean society, always having in view the consolidation of national unity and social cohesion, consolidation of the path to stabilization, reform of the defense forces and security, the restoration of public order and the rule of law, reconciliation with the country's economic growth and raising the level of general well-being of populations.

To do so, in the face of this blatant and unacceptable alteration of constitutional order, ECOWAS, the UN, AU and UEMOA shall adopt in the Guinean case, at least, an attitude similar to that taken against the Malian scammers: firmness and Zero Tolerance. It's not the military arbitrate political disputes. They must return to barracks and submit themselves to political power legitimately constituted.

At a time when many find virtues of the military action and that some try to understand the coup of April 12 based on the inability of the Government in the field of "politics", as much as we hate Carlos Gomes Junior, he and the PAIGC won legislative elections, and he is the winner of the first round of the presidential race. The Democrats must respect the popular will expressed freely.

Dibo Miguel - Fidjus di Guinea foronta (Guineans are in trouble)